06     ---------     INFORMATIONS

Fique por dentro

06     ---------     INFORMATIONS

06     ---------     INFORMATIONS

06     ---------     INFORMATIONS

In 2018, the Brazilian government withdrew its candidacy for Brazil to host the 25th UN Climate Conference (COP-25), which would be held in 2019. The rotation of COP headquarters in the regions of the globe is a UN practice. In Brazil the ECO-92 and Rio+ 20 resulted in the elaboration and launch of the Sustainable Development Objectives. For Brazil to host the COP-25 would emphasize its international protagonism. In addition, Brazil also loses all the opportunities that a big event can generate for host venues.

Still in 2019, the uncertain debates about the merger of the Ministry of Environment and Agriculture and speculation about the Brazil withdrawal of the Paris Agreement has raised, beyond many objections and doubts about how the country's priorities will help to focus on the goals of the Brazilian NDC. In addition, proposals for changes in law convey risks on flexibilization regarding the predatory exploitation of forest; extinction of civil society councils; delegitimization of the right to ancestral lands and flexibilization of environmental licensings. The familiarization of Brazilian rulers with climate denialism regarding to the confrontation of the climatic crisis and the deforestation; surround us with uncertainties about commitments and climate governance in the country and the ability of the Brazilian Environment Ministry to impose restrictions on other ministerial portfolios.


For all the reasons above, the Conference has emerged as an opportunity to promote dialogue on how to take back the path of climate responsibility, participation of civil society, consolidation of internal pacts, strengthening of local programs for policy adaptation and development of the climate agenda in Brazil.

In 2018, the Brazilian government withdrew its candidacy for Brazil to host the 25th UN Climate Conference (COP-25), which would be held in 2019. The rotation of COP headquarters in the regions of the globe is a UN practice. In Brazil the ECO-92 and Rio+ 20 resulted in the elaboration and launch of the Sustainable Development Objectives. For Brazil to host the COP-25 would emphasize its international protagonism. In addition, Brazil also loses all the opportunities that a big event can generate for host venues.

Still in 2019, the uncertain debates about the merger of the Ministry of Environment and Agriculture and speculation about the Brazil withdrawal of the Paris Agreement has raised, beyond many objections and doubts about how the country's priorities will help to focus on the goals of the Brazilian NDC. In addition, proposals for changes in law convey risks on flexibilization regarding the predatory exploitation of forest; extinction of civil society councils; delegitimization of the right to ancestral lands and flexibilization of environmental licensings. The familiarization of Brazilian rulers with climate denialism regarding to the confrontation of the climatic crisis and the deforestation; surround us with uncertainties about commitments and climate governance in the country and the ability of the Brazilian Environment Ministry to impose restrictions on other ministerial portfolios.


For all the reasons above, the Conference has emerged as an opportunity to promote dialogue on how to take back the path of climate responsibility, participation of civil society, consolidation of internal pacts, strengthening of local programs for policy adaptation and development of the climate agenda in Brazil.

In 2018, the Brazilian government withdrew its candidacy for Brazil to host the 25th UN Climate Conference (COP-25), which would be held in 2019. The rotation of COP headquarters in the regions of the globe is a UN practice. In Brazil the ECO-92 and Rio+ 20 resulted in the elaboration and launch of the Sustainable Development Objectives. For Brazil to host the COP-25 would emphasize its international protagonism. In addition, Brazil also loses all the opportunities that a big event can generate for host venues.

Still in 2019, the uncertain debates about the merger of the Ministry of Environment and Agriculture and speculation about the Brazil withdrawal of the Paris Agreement has raised, beyond many objections and doubts about how the country's priorities will help to focus on the goals of the Brazilian NDC. In addition, proposals for changes in law convey risks on flexibilization regarding the predatory exploitation of forest; extinction of civil society councils; delegitimization of the right to ancestral lands and flexibilization of environmental licensings. The familiarization of Brazilian rulers with climate denialism regarding to the confrontation of the climatic crisis and the deforestation; surround us with uncertainties about commitments and climate governance in the country and the ability of the Brazilian Environment Ministry to impose restrictions on other ministerial portfolios.


For all the reasons above, the Conference has emerged as an opportunity to promote dialogue on how to take back the path of climate responsibility, participation of civil society, consolidation of internal pacts, strengthening of local programs for policy adaptation and development of the climate agenda in Brazil.

In 2018, the Brazilian government withdrew its candidacy for Brazil to host the 25th UN Climate Conference (COP-25), which would be held in 2019. The rotation of COP headquarters in the regions of the globe is a UN practice. In Brazil the ECO-92 and Rio+ 20 resulted in the elaboration and launch of the Sustainable Development Objectives. For Brazil to host the COP-25 would emphasize its international protagonism. In addition, Brazil also loses all the opportunities that a big event can generate for host venues.

Still in 2019, the uncertain debates about the merger of the Ministry of Environment and Agriculture and speculation about the Brazil withdrawal of the Paris Agreement has raised, beyond many objections and doubts about how the country's priorities will help to focus on the goals of the Brazilian NDC. In addition, proposals for changes in law convey risks on flexibilization regarding the predatory exploitation of forest; extinction of civil society councils; delegitimization of the right to ancestral lands and flexibilization of environmental licensings. The familiarization of Brazilian rulers with climate denialism regarding to the confrontation of the climatic crisis and the deforestation; surround us with uncertainties about commitments and climate governance in the country and the ability of the Brazilian Environment Ministry to impose restrictions on other ministerial portfolios.


For all the reasons above, the Conference has emerged as an opportunity to promote dialogue on how to take back the path of climate responsibility, participation of civil society, consolidation of internal pacts, strengthening of local programs for policy adaptation and development of the climate agenda in Brazil.

Get ready to attend this great meeting!

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